Archive for the 'politics' Category

Gloria Steinem on Gender and the Presidential Race

If you missed this in the NY Times, it’s well worth reading:
Women Are Never Front-Runners by Gloria Steinem.

By the way, most of audio/video reports on Hillary’s emotional moment in New Hampshire stop after the first few seconds and don’t play her whole response.

Excerpts from Steinam op/ed:

So why is the sex barrier not taken as seriously as the racial one? The reasons are as pervasive as the air we breathe: because sexism is still confused with nature as racism once was; because anything that affects males is seen as more serious than anything that affects “only” the female half of the human race; because children are still raised mostly by women (to put it mildly) so men especially tend to feel they are regressing to childhood when dealing with a powerful woman; because racism stereotyped black men as more “masculine” for so long that some white men find their presence to be masculinity-affirming (as long as there aren’t too many of them); and because there is still no “right” way to be a woman in public power without being considered a you-know-what.

I’m not advocating a competition for who has it toughest. The caste systems of sex and race are interdependent and can only be uprooted together….

But what worries me is that he is seen as unifying by his race while she is seen as divisive by her sex.

What worries me is that she is accused of “playing the gender card” when citing the old boys’ club, while he is seen as unifying by citing civil rights confrontations.

What worries me is that male Iowa voters were seen as gender-free when supporting their own, while female voters were seen as biased if they did and disloyal if they didn’t.

What worries me is that reporters ignore Mr. Obama’s dependence on the old — for instance, the frequent campaign comparisons to John F. Kennedy — while not challenging the slander that her progressive policies are part of the Washington status quo.

What worries me is that some women, perhaps especially younger ones, hope to deny or escape the sexual caste system…

This country can no longer afford to choose our leaders from a talent pool limited by sex, race, money, powerful fathers and paper degrees. It’s time to take equal pride in breaking all the barriers. We have to be able to say: “I’m supporting her because she’ll be a great president and because she’s a woman.”

Link to Iraq Study Group Report

The Fog of War

Saw the documentary The Fog of War - Eleven Lessons from the Life of Robert S. McNamara. I’ve been meaning to see this since my trip to Viet Nam. When I was Hanoi, this was playing in the middle of the morning on the movie channel in my hotel, and I was tempted to stay in and watch it, since I realized it would help me understand Viet Nam and the war.

McNamara was Secretary of Defense, not only during the Viet Nam War. but also the Cuban Missile Crisis, and during World War II he was an officer on the staff of the general who ordered the fire-bombing of Japan. This documentary consists largely of him talking — organized around eleven “lessons” — supplemented with audiotapes of conversations (phone and meetings) of McNamara, Johnson, and others, and historic news footage.

It’s impressive to hear from someone who was not only involved in such major events, but went back later to find out more about what they didn’t know at the time, and has reflected on what he learned and reconsidered what they decided at the time. Some of the things that I either hadn’t known or hadn’t fully understood that I learned from this documentary:

  • In WWII the US firebombed 67 cities in Japan, killing 100,000 civilians in Tokyo in one night. McNamara says that they had bombers that flew low enough to be hit by anti-aircraft fire. Then B-29s flew higher, but weren’t accurate. So the general decided that fire-bombing from low altitudes would be most efficient.
    • he quotes someone — this same general, I think — as saying that, if we had lost the war, they would have been prosecuted as war criminals.
  • During the Cuban Missile Crisis, there were already warheads in Cuba, unknown to the US. McNamara later met Castro and asked if he would have advised Kruschev to use them, and he said he had. McNamara exclaimed that that would have resulted in the destruction of Cuba, and Castro said he was willing to do that. After the crisis, a US general recommended that we go in and bomb Cuba anyway, on the grounds that we would have do so sooner or later, so better sooner. What even McNamara didn’t know, but Castro did, was that we had already tried to assassinate Castro, twice.
    • One of McNamara’s lessons here is: “Empathize with your enemy.” But how can the decision-makers empathize, and predict how the other side will react, when they don’t know what the CIA is up to?
    • Another is “Rationality will not save us” — Castro was definitely not being “rational.”
    • Another lesson is: “Belief and seeing are both often wrong.”
    • He says that this is the closest we have ever come to nuclear war. I was in grade school at the time and I remember the tension, and everyone’s belief that we were on the verge of nuclear war, day by day, waiting.
  • Under Kennedy, McNamara announced that we would reduce the number of US advisors in Viet Nam (predecessors to the fighting force) and had begun the reductions. Johnson countermanded this decision.
  • I had heard that the Tonkin Bay incident, which caused the US to bomb North Viet Nam and resulted in the Tonkin Gulf Resolution giving Johnson the power to conduct the war, had never happened. We hear McNamara’s analysis, and the real-time audiotapes of the inquiry, as people in Washington try to figure out whether there was a torpedo attack on the US ship. We hear McNamara ask the captain if he’s sure there was an attack, and the captain says, “I’m sure — I think.” On that basis, we escalated the war. The evidence was sonar readings, and the interpretation of the sonar crew, but in rough water there’s a lot of noise on sonar.
    • Again — “Belief and seeing are both often wrong.” The question then is — what if you’re wrong?
  • McNamara makes it clear that people in Washington had great difficulty figuring out what was going on in Viet Nam, and how to proceed. He wanted the US to pull out. Johnson too felt that the US had no good choices, that the whole situation was a mess. But Johnson insisted that we couldn’t leave. McNamara resigned; not long after that, Johnson announced that he would not run for re-election. At this point, only half the US soldiers who would die in the war had died.
  • The documentary repeatedly, graphically emphasizes the US belief in the “domino theory.” When I was in Viet Nam, I wondered at our strong insistence on this. When in 1992 (I think) McNamara met the former North Vietnamese foreign minister, the foreign minister exclaimed that the US didn’t know Vietnamese history; theirs is a history of a thousand years of fighting for their independence from China, then from France. So they were never going to let either China or the Soviet Union rule them, and they assumed that we wanted to colonize them as France had. And that is indeed the message that I got from the history museums in Saigon and Hanoi: the long history of fighting foreign domination from all sides, especially China; the bitterness at the French domination; and the US as yet another colonial power.
    • What do we not know about Iraqi history? And how it leads them to think about us? In Rory Stewart’s book, The Prince of Marshes, he talks about driving into Nasiryah, past a statue commemorating a 1920s Iraqi uprising against the British, showing an Iraqi shooting a British soldier in the back of the head.

McNamara is asked why he didn’t publicly oppose Johnson after he left the administration, and whether he feels guilty. He refused to answer both these questions.

Castro’s Succession?

Castro’s announcement that he is temporarily turning over power to his brother Raul coincides with my reading of the New Yorker’s article in the July 31 issue by Jon Lee Anderson, about the speculation in Cuba about Castro’s plans for succession and about the US’ plans.

Anderson reports that the Bush administration has appointed Caleb McCarry as the “Cuba transition coordinator,” who describes his job as to be “the senior US official in charge of planning and supporting a genuine democractic transition in Cuba, and to work on it now” (p. 54). Anderson calls him “in effect, the Paul Bremer designate of Cuba.” McCarry says that they are trying to learn from Iraq — that, for example, a governmental structure should remain in place. McCarry is quoted as saying that the accession of Raul would not be satisfactory. “We will continue to offer support for a real transition.”